We will leave it up to the reader
to determine whether Grover Norquist has made serious errors in in
judgment. Grover has supported a Conservative Far Right Christian
position especially when it comes to Church and State issues. It
is apparent from the data collected, that the first amendment may be in
danger from his past and future actions as well as other constitutional
sections. He has supported deregulation of banks and the SEC
causing the current economic Depression.
Grover Norquist's office stated that his position is that Certain
Religions aren't "Real" religions. What is a real
religion, Mr. Norquist? What you have been practicing? He
says on the one hand that only certain Christian denominations are
valid. Read the following and remember: "By their Works may they
be known." This is a summary of information collected from several
sources about Grover Norquist.
(Remember it is best to
investigate on your own when looking at allegations about anyone.
Don't believe us, think for yourself and investigate for yourself!
And remember, the First Amendment Coalition and Religious Freedom
Coalition of the South East do not represent any political party nor do
we recommend any political candidate, nor are we involving ourselves in
the political process.)
REPUBLICANS ARE THE ENEMY AND TRAITORS TO AMERICA by R. Blackbird
Christian Extremist Republicans are selfish, power hungry,
hateful of the poor, disloyal to the nation and its people, dishonest,
avaricious, scornful of the nation's history, the dignity of its
institutions, its standards of political morality, and its vision
of advancement for all the people. The Christian Extremist Republicans
love war as long as they and theirs do not have to put on helmets and
carry guns into the fighting. They use lies to start wars that kill
hundreds of thousands of innocents and thousands of our own military
service people. They love massive war-time profits, unavailable to their
rich masters if war is absent.
Those Christian Extremist
Republicans hate the rest of us, which they must, in order to pass away
from themselves and onto us, the financial burdens and losses their
crimes, schemes and thefts cause. They are prolific, incessant, and
destructive liars. They are blasphemers for they insist that their
hateful and destructive deeds are the work of God. They are apostates
for they gleefully attack the poor, the immigrants, the old and the
sick, of whom God has commanded all of us to be mindful.
There is no reasoning with them, for all their logic is built on
false premises. There is no appealing to them for honor's sake for they
have lost all sense of shame and have no honor, there is no appealing to
them for the nation's sake for that it what they hate the most.
Christian Extremist Republicans are the enemy.
How Grover Norquist
Hypnotized the GOP
At our 25th college
reunion in 2003,
— the brain and able spokesman for the radical right — and
I, along with other classmates who had been in public or
political life, participated in a lively panel discussion about
politics. During his presentation, Norquist explained why he
believed that there would be a permanent Republican majority in
One person interrupted, as I
recall, and said, “C’mon, Grover, surely one day a Democrat will
win the White House.”
replied: “We will make it so that a Democrat cannot govern
as a Democrat.”
In a way, Republicans have
accomplished that. This spring, in an effort to reduce the
deficit, a Democratic president proposed to cut $2 trillion
in spending, much of it from domestic programs Democrats
have long championed. Last week, Republican leaders
withdrew from talks
with the vice president on a bipartisan plan to reduce the
deficit because, as another part of the solution and like
every bipartisan budget deal for decades, the president
proposed to raise revenue. Specifically, he proposed to
raise $1 in new revenue (through closing loopholes or ending
the Bush tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans) for every $2
in spending cuts. In response to that modest proposal,
Republican leaders walked out.
It is now clear
that the Republican strategy is to drive America to the
brink of fiscal ruin and then argue that the only way out is
to cut spending for the powerless. Taxes — a dirty word
thanks to Norquist’s “no
new taxes” gimmick — are
made to seem beyond the pale, even as the burden of paying
for our society shifts disproportionately to the middle
class and working poor. It is the height of fiscal folly. It
is also not who we are as a country.
For nearly a
decade, our federal government paid for two wars and a
costly prescription drug benefit with borrowed money. Our
government paid for the Bush tax cuts with borrowed money.
Now, after exhausting the budget surplus left by the Clinton
administration, the only spending Republicans are willing to
discuss cutting is spending that helps the poor and
vulnerable — meaning anything that does not touch the
interests of large corporations and the very rich. Last
December, Republican hard-liners held hostage benefits for
people out of work in exchange for an
agreement to extend the Bush tax cuts
for those who make a million dollars or more a year. Last
month, many of the same lawmakers rallied to
protect special tax benefits for oil
companies that have made
record profits on high gas prices.
mom-and-pop stores and college students pay more in taxes
than some of our largest corporations. Still, taxes are sin
to the hard-liners, though they have difficulty
demonstrating a correlation over the past decade between tax
cuts and economic growth.
Everyone knows that we
have to reduce the deficit. Everyone also knows that
reducing government spending and addressing revenue
shortfalls have to be a part of the plan. This isn’t
partisan; it’s pragmatic. Some might even call it
conservative. But Norquist and the rest of the radical right
have so hypnotized the Republican leadership that they can’t
come out and say it. For them, maintaining their rhetoric
about spending cuts is more important than preserving the
civic investments that make America stand out from the rest
of the world.
That political calculus
has consequences for the rest of us.
If the deficit is
reduced by spending cuts alone and there is no deal to raise
the debt ceiling, here’s a sampling of what happens: We stop
paying our soldiers or supporting our veterans. We stop
feeding the neediest children and families. We stop
providing nursing-home care to seniors. We stop inoculating
schoolchildren. We stop helping young people go to college.
The unemployed are on their own. Roads and bridges continue
to crumble. And we jeopardize the creditworthiness of our
economy at one of the most fragile moments in history. All
to protect the marginal benefits of the most fortunate and
the political purity of the radical right.
I remember sitting in
the Dunster House dining hall at Harvard with Norquist when
we were sophomores or juniors in college, while he explained
his view of government, or lack thereof. It sounded logical
— the notion that we could live independently of each other,
making our own decisions in our own self-interest. But then
who puts out the fires? Who answers the calls to 911? Who
educates poor children? Who helps people with disabilities?
I’d like to think that
the most prosperous nation in human history can have both
freedom and security. I think we have reached a point where
my personal success is not threatened by a program to help
our parents retire with dignity. Voters are smart enough to
see that taxes are one of the ways we get those things. They
are the price we pay for civilization.
The writer, a Democrat,
is governor of Massachusetts.
Why Grover Norquist Is the Most Powerful Republican in America
an article on huffingtonpost.com by Eric Parker March 8, 2011
He's more powerful than House
Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio), Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell
(R-Ky.) and the Koch brothers, yet not many people have heard of Grover
Norquist or his "Taxpayer Protection Pledge."
Mr. Norquist, founder and president
of the Americans for Tax Reform (ATR), is simply the single most
influential Republican of the past 25 years.
Politicians may come and go, but
since 1985, Mr. Norquist has been getting an increasing number of
Republicans to sign his tax pledge to the point where he now has 237
members of the House and 41 in the Senate at his disposal.
When you have the majority of the
House -- including House Budget Chairman Paul Ryan (R-Wisc.) and enough
votes in the Senate to prevent legislation from coming up for a vote,
that's real power.
When your organization's tax pledge
is THE litmus test for Republicans running for office on the national
level, you wield more power in your party than anyone in Congress.
Thanks to Mr. Norquist's growing
influence over the past two-and-a-half decades, failure to pledge
allegiance to the "no new taxes" mantra effectively dooms one's chances
of getting the GOP nod for the House, Senate or White House.
To strengthen Mr. Norquist's hand,
the GOP base is challenging Senators Olympia Snowe (R-Maine) and Richard
Lugar (R-Ind.) from the right -- because both refused to sign the tax
According to Mr. Norquist's tax
pledge, politicians who sign it "oppose any and all efforts to increase
the marginal income tax rates for individuals and/or businesses," and
"oppose any net reduction or elimination of deductions and credits,
unless matched dollar for dollar by further reducing tax rates."
If we want to know the real story
behind the $14 trillion federal debt and our annual $1.5 trillion
deficits, we have to look at Mr. Norquist and his tax pledge.
If we want to know why the
Republicans won the staring contest on extending the Bush tax cuts --
which are part of the "starve the beast" strategy -- the answer is Mr.
Norquist and his tax pledge.
When we have successive stopgap
funding bills because the GOP's only solution to the deficit is
draconian cuts, blame Mr. Norquist and his tax pledge.
And when GOP leaders at both the
national and state levels try to balance the budget by cutting programs
that help seniors, students, the middle class and low-income families --
take a bow, Mr. Norquist.
Because of their allegiance to Mr.
Norquist's tax pledge, Republicans dismiss out of hand "revenue
enhancement" measures (as President Ronald Reagan called tax hikes) such
as highly-popular and common-sense ideas of raising taxes on
millionaires and billionaires, Wall Street bankers and the big oil
That is why the GOP went on a
cutting spree on the House floor when formulating their measure to fund
the federal government through the end of 2012.
And that is why the debt
commission's recommendation was dead on arrival.
As long as there's a House majority
and at least 41 Senators who are signed onto the tax pledge, income and
long-term capital gains tax rates will not return to pre-Bush levels and
the estate tax (aka "the death tax") will not go back to where it was
before 2002 -- because that would be raising taxes according to Mr.
Remember, long-term capital gains
-- which one pays on investment income such as stocks, bonds and real
estate -- is how the Wall Street folks responsible for the Great
Recession and the corporate CEOs make their millions. For three decades,
they have seen their portfolios grow exponentially, while most American
household incomes have stagnated.
Wall Street and corporate CEOs owe
a huge debt of gratitude to Mr. Norquist.
Clinton Labor Secretary Robert
Reich wrote in his March 2 piece in the Huffington Post that investment
income should be treated the same as wage income. He's right, but doing
so would mean raising taxes, and unless the tax-pledge crowd loses the
House and drops below 41 Senators, it's not going to happen.
On the state level, guess who else
has signed Mr. Norquist's tax pledge? Union-busting governors Scott
Walker (R-Wisc.) and John Kasich (R-Ohio).
With his House majority, his
filibustering Senators and his union-busting governors, Mr. Norquist has
his hands in every big fiscal debate -- in Washington and in the states
-- for more than two decades now.
And that is why Grover Norquist is
the most powerful Republican in America.
Powerful GOP Activist Sees His Influence
Slip Over Abramoff Dealings
From an excerpt by
Jonathan Weisman on washingtonpost.com July 9, 2006
For more than a decade, Grover
G. Norquist has been at the nexus of conservative activism in
Washington, becoming a Bush administration insider whose weekly
strategy sessions at his Americans for Tax Reform have drawn
ever-larger crowds of lawmakers, lobbyists and even White House
political adviser Karl Rove.
Over the past six years,
Norquist has been a key cheerleader and strategist for
successive White House tax cuts, extracting ironclad oaths from
congressional Republicans not to even think about tax increases.
And even before President Bush's election, he positioned himself
as a gatekeeper for supplicants seeking access to Bush's inner
But in the aftermath of
reports that Norquist served as a cash conduit for disgraced
lobbyist Jack Abramoff, the irascible, combative activist is
struggling to maintain his stature as some GOP lawmakers
distance themselves and as enemies in the conservative movement
seek to diminish his position.
"People were willing to cut
him a lot of slack because he's done a lot of favors for a lot
of people," said J. Michael Waller, a vice president of the
right-leaning Center for Security Policy who for several years
was an occasional participant at Norquist's Wednesday meetings.
"But Grover's not that likable."
Norquist has lashed back at his critics,
accusing them of dishonesty, personal vendettas and political
gamesmanship. He has saved his choicest words for
Sen. John McCain
(R-Ariz.), whose Senate Indian Affairs Committee last month
stated in a report that for a small cut, Americans for Tax
Reform served as a "conduit" for funds that flowed from
Abramoff's clients to surreptitiously finance grass-roots
"The idea that our friend
John McCain yelling at me would hurt me misses McCain's
position" among conservatives, Norquist said. "John McCain
thinks he can't be president if I'm standing here saying he's
got a problem with taxes."
Mark Salter, McCain's
longtime aide, replied: "Obviously, Grover is not well. It would
be cruel of us to respond in kind."
For now, Norquist's
well-publicized financial links to Abramoff, who has pleaded
guilty to corruption charges and is cooperating with
prosecutors, have had little obvious impact on Norquist's
prominence. Nor have they affected his signature event: the
meeting every Wednesday morning at Americans for Tax Reform,
where officials of conservative organizations, activists and
lobbyists gather with Republican politicians to swap notes, make
plans and coordinate messages. The June 28 meeting in downtown
Washington was packed.
"I don't think he's lost
one iota of influence in conservative circles," said Cesar
Conda, a Republican lobbyist and a former top aide to Vice
But beneath the outward
signs of normalcy, the infighting is taking a toll on Norquist's
standing. Some social conservatives who have jousted with him
over his more libertarian views on the regulation of television
and its depictions of violence and depravity are exploiting his
weakness to press their positions on Capitol Hill.
Security-minded defense hawks who for years have questioned his
ties to Muslim activists are resurrecting charges that Norquist
has turned a blind eye to terrorist sympathizers.
Republican lawmakers who
have chafed at his dogmatic position on taxes are also ready to
shrug off his heavy hand. In recent interviews, a half-dozen
conservative GOP lawmakers said they are consciously avoiding
Norquist's meetings, and they have begun questioning the purity
of an activist who has always portrayed himself as motivated by
ideals, not money.
"For someone like
Grover Norquist, his influence stems from the sense that he is
not doing this for the money," said
Sen. John E. Sununu
(R-N.H.). "To the extent that he may be seen playing both sides
of an issue, that will give people pause."