HOW TO PLAN FOR AN EMERGENCY | PREPAREDNESS | SURVIVE IN PLACE | HOW TO GET OUT ALIVE
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How To Get Out Alive
From hurricanes to 9/11: What the science
of evacuation reveals about how humans behave in the worst of times
When the plane hit Elia Zedeno's building on 9/11, the effect was not subtle.
From the 73rd floor of Tower 1, she heard a booming explosion and felt the
building actually lurch to the south, as if it might topple. It had never done
that before, even in 1993 when a bomb exploded in the basement, trapping her in
an elevator. This time, Zedeno grabbed her desk and held on, lifting her feet
off the floor. Then she shouted, "What's happening?" You might expect that her
next instinct was to flee. But she had the opposite reaction. "What I really
wanted was for someone to scream back, 'Everything is O.K.! Don't worry. It's in
your head.'"
She didn't know it at the time, but all around her, others were filled with the
same reflexive incredulity. And the reaction was not unique to 9/11. Whether
they're in shipwrecks, hurricanes, plane crashes or burning buildings, people in
peril experience remarkably similar stages. And the first one--even in the face
of clear and urgent danger--is almost always a period of intense disbelief.
Luckily, at least one of Zedeno's colleagues responded differently. "The answer
I got was another co-worker screaming, 'Get out of the building!'" she remembers
now. Almost four years later, she still thinks about that command. "My question
is, What would I have done if the person had said nothing?"
Most of the people who died on 9/11 had no choice. They were above the impact
zone of the planes and could not find a way out. But investigators are only now
beginning to understand the actions and psychology of the thousands who had a
chance to escape. The people who made it out of the World Trade Center, for
example, waited an average of 6 min. before heading downstairs, according to a
new National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) study drawn from
interviews with nearly 900 survivors. But the ra nge was enormous. Why did
certain people leave immediately while others lingered for as long as half an
hour? Some were helping co-workers. Others were disabled. And in Tower 2, many
were following fatally flawed directions to stay put. But eventually everyone
saw smoke, smelled jet fuel or heard someone giving the order to leave. Many
called relatives. About 1,000 took the time to shut down their computers,
according to NIST.
In other skyscraper fires, staying inside might have been exactly the right
thing to do. In the case of the Twin Towers, at least 135 people who
theoretically had access to open stairwells--and enough time to use them--never
made it out, the report found.Since the early days of the atom bomb, scientists
have been trying to understand how to move masses of people out of danger.
Engineers have fashioned glowing exit signs, sprinklers and less flammable
materials. Elaborate computer models can simulate the emptying of Miami or the
Sears Tower, showing thousands of colored dots streaming for safety like a giant
Ms. Pac-Man colony. But the most vexing problem endures. And it is not signage
or architecture or traffic flow. It's us. Large groups of people facing death
act in surprising ways. Most of us become incredibly docile. We are kinder to
one another than normal. We panic only under certain rare conditions. Usually,
we form groups and move slowly, as if sleepwalking in a nightmare.
Zedeno still did not immediately flee on 9/11, even after her colleague screamed
at her. First she reached for her purse, and then she started walking in
circles. "I was looking for something to take with me. I remember I took my
book. Then I kept looking around for other stuff to take. It was like I was in a
trance," she says, smiling at her behavior. When she finally left, her progress
remained slow. The estimated 15,410 who got out, the NIST findings show, took
about a minute to make it down each floor--twice as long as the standard
engineering codes predicted. It took Zedeno more than an hour to descend. "I
never found myself in a hurry," she says. "It's weird because the sound, the way
the building shook, should have kept me going fast. But it was almost as if I
put the sound away in my mind."
Had the planes hit later in the day, when the buildings typically held more than
32,000 additional people, a full evacuation at that pace would have taken more
than four hours, according to the NIST study. More than 14,000 probably would
have perished, Zedeno among them.
In a crisis, our instincts can be our undoing. William Morgan, who directs the
exercise-psychology lab at the University of Wisconsin at Madison, has studied
mysterious scuba accidents in which divers drowned with plenty of air in their
tanks. It turns out that certain people experience an intense feeling of
suffocation when their mouths are covered. They respond to that overwhelming
sensation by relying on their instinct, which is to rip out whatever is in their
mouths. For scuba divers, unfortunately, it is their oxygen source. On land,
that would be a perfect solution.
Why do our instincts sometimes backfire so dramatically? Research on how the
mind processes information suggests that part of the problem is a lack of data.
Even when we're calm, our brains require 8 to 10 sec. to handle each novel piece
of complex information. The more stress, the slower the process. Bombarded with
new information, our brains shift into low gear just when we need to move fast.
We diligently hunt for a shortcut to solve the problem more quickly. If there
aren't any familiar behaviors available for the given situation, the mind seizes
upon the first fix in its library of habits--if you can't breathe, remove the
object in your mouth.
That neurological process might explain, in part, the urge to stay put in
crises. "Most people go their entire lives without a disaster," says Michael
Lindell, a professor at the Hazard Reduction & Recovery Center at Texas A&M
University. "So, the most reasonable reaction when something bad h appens is to
say, This can't possibly be happening to me." Lindell sees the same tendency,
which disaster researchers call normalcy bias, when entire populations are asked
to evacuate.
When people are told to leave in anticipation of a hurricane or flood, most of
them check with four or more sources--family, newscasters and officials, among
others--before deciding what to do, according to a 2001 study by sociologist
Thomas Drabek. That process of checking in, known to experts as milling, is
common in disasters. On 9/11 at least 70% of survivors spoke with other people
before trying to leave, the NIST study shows. (In that regard, if you work or
live with a lot of women, your chances of survival may increase, since women are
quicker to evacuate than men are.)
People caught up in disasters tend to fall into three categories. About 10% to
15% remain calm and act quickly and efficiently. Another 15% or less completely
freak out--weeping, screaming or otherwise hindering the evacuation. That kind
of hysteria is usually isolated and quickly snuffed out by the crowd. The vast
majority of people do very little. They are "stunned and bewildered," as British
psychologist John Leach put it in a 2004 article published in Aviation, Space,
and Environmental Medicine.
So what determines which category you fall into? You might expect decisive
people to be assertive and flaky people to come undone. But when nothing is
normal, the rules of everyday life do not apply. No one knows more about human
behavior in disasters than researchers in the aviation industry. Because they
have to comply with so many regulations, they run thousands of people through
experiments and interview scores of crash survivors. Of course, a burning plane
is not the same as a flaming skyscraper or a sinking ship. But some behaviors in
all three environments turn out to be remarkably similar.
On March 27, 1977, a Pan Am 747 awaiting takeoff at the Tenerife airport in the
Canary Islands off Spain was sliced open without warning by a Dutch KLM jet that
had come hurtling out of the fog at 160 m.p.h. The collision left twisted metal,
along with comic books and toothbrushes, strewn along a half-mile stretch of
tarmac. Everyone on the KLM jet was killed instantly. But it looked as if many
of the Pan Am passengers had survived and would have lived if they had got up
and walked off the fiery plane.
Floy Heck, then 70, was sitting on the Pan Am jet between her husband and her
friends, en route from their California retirement residence to a Mediterranean
cruise. After the KLM jet sheared off the top of their plane, Heck could not
speak or move. "My mind was almost blank. I didn't even hear what was going on,"
she told an Orange County Register reporter years later. But her husband Paul
Heck, 65, reacted immediately. He ordered his wife to get off the plane. She
followed him through the smoke "like a zombie," she said. Just before they
jumped out of a hole in the left side of the craft, she looked back at her
friend Lorraine Larson, who was just sitting there, looking straight ahead, her
mouth slightly open, hands folded in her lap. Like dozens of others, she would
die not from the collision but from the fire that came afterward.
We tend to assume that plane crashes--and most other catastrophes--are binary:
you live or you die, and you have very little choice in the matter. But in all
serious U.S. plane accidents from 1983 to 2000, just over half the passengers
lived, according to the National Transportation Safety Board. And some survived
because of their individual traits or behavior--human factors, as crash
investigators put it. After the Tenerife catastrophe, aviation experts focused
on those factors--and people like the Hecks--and decided that they were just as
important as the design of the plane itself.
Unlike tall buildings, planes are meant to be emptied fast. Passengers are
supposed to be able to get out within 90 sec., even if only half the exits are
available and bags are strewn in the aisles. As it turns ou t, the people on the
Pan Am 747 had at least 60 sec. to flee before fire engulfed the plane. But of
the 396 people on board, 326 were killed. Including the KLM victims, 583 people
ultimately died--making the Tenerife crash the deadliest accident in civil
aviation history.
What happened? Aren't disasters supposed to turn us into animals, driven by
instinct and surging with adrenaline?
In the 1970s, psychologist Daniel Johnson was working on safety research for
McDonnell Douglas. The more disasters he studied, the more he realized that the
classic fight-or-flight behavior paradigm was incomplete. Again and again, in
shipwrecks as well as plane accidents, he saw examples of people doing nothing
at all. He was even able to re-create the effect in his lab. He found that about
45% of people in his experiment shut down (that is, stopped moving or speaking
for 30 sec. or often longer) when asked under pressure to perform unfamiliar but
basic tasks. "They quit functioning. They just sat there," Johnson remembers. It
seemed horribly maladaptive. How could so many people be hard-wired to do
nothing in a crisis?
But it turns out that that freezing behavior may be quite adaptive in certain
scenarios. An animal that goes into involuntary paralysis may have a better
chance of surviving a predatory attack. Many predators will not eat prey that is
not struggling; that way, they are less likely to eat something sick or rotten
that would end up killing them. Psychologist Gordon Gallup Jr. has found similar
behavior among human rape victims. "They report being vividly aware of what was
happening but unable to respond," he says.
In a fire or on a sinking ship, however, such a strategy can be fatal. So is it
possible to override this instinct--or prevent it from kicking in altogether?
In the hours just before the Tenerife crash, Paul Heck did something highly
unusual. While waiting for takeoff, he studied the 747's safety diagram. He
looked for the closest exit, and he pointed it out to his wif e. He had been in
a theater fire as a boy, and ever since, he always checked for the exits in an
unfamiliar environment. When the planes collided, Heck's brain had the data it
needed. He could work on automatic, whereas other people's brains plodded
through the storm of new information. "Humans behave much more appropriately
when they know what to expect--as do rats," says Cynthia Corbett, a
human-factors specialist with the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA).
To better understand how the mind responds to a novel situation like a plane
crash, I visited the FAA's training academy in Oklahoma City, Okla. In a field
behind one of their labs, they had hoisted a jet section on risers. I boarded
the mock-up plane along with 30 flight-attendant supervisors. Inside, it looked
just like a normal plane, and the flight attendants made jokes, pretending to be
passengers. "Could I get a cocktail over here, please? I paid a lot of money for
this seat!"
But once some (nontoxic) smoke started pouring into the cabin, everyone got
quiet. As most people do, I underestimated how quickly the smoke would fill the
space, from ceiling to floor, like a black curtain unfurling in front of us. In
20 sec., all we could see were the pin lights along the floor. As we stood to
evacuate, there was a loud thump. In a crowd of experienced flight attendants,
still someone had hit his or her head on an overhead bin. In a new situation,
with a minor amount of stress, our brains were performing clumsily. As we filed
toward the exit slide, crouched low, holding on to the person in front of us,
several of the flight attendants had to be comforted by their colleagues.
Remember: those were trained professionals who had jumped down a slide at some
point to become certified. I could imagine how much worse things might go in a
real emergency with regular passengers and screaming children. As we emerged
into the light, the mood brightened. The flight attendants cheered as their
colleagues slid, one by one, to the ground.
M ac McLean has been studying plane evacuations for 16 years at the FAA's Civil
Aerospace Medical Institute. He starts all his presentations with a slide that
reads IT'S THE PEOPLE. He is convinced that if passengers had a mental plan for
getting out of a plane, they would move much more quickly in a crisis. But, like
others who study disaster behavior, he is perpetually frustrated that not more
is done to encourage self-reliance. "The airlines and the flight attendants
underestimate the fact that passengers can be good survivors. They think
passengers are goats," he says. Better, more detailed safety briefings could
save lives, McLean believes, but airline representatives have repeatedly told
him they don't want to scare passengers.
And so most passengers are indeed goats. Should the worst occur, says McLean,
"people don't have a clue. They want you to come by and say, O.K., hon, it's
time to go. Plane's on fire."
If we know that training--or even mental rehearsal--vastly improves people's
responses to disasters, it is surprising how little of it we do. Even in the
World Trade Center, which had complicated escape routes and had been attacked
once before, preparation levels were abysmal, we now know. Fewer than half the
survivors had ever entered the stairwells before, according to the NIST report.
Thousands of people hadn't known they had to wind through confusing transfer
hallways to get down.
Early findings from another study, sponsored by the Centers for Disease Control,
found that only 45% of 445 Trade Center workers interviewed had known the
buildings had three stairwells. Only half had known the doors to the roof would
be locked. "I found the lack of preparedness shocking," says lead investigator
Robyn Gershon, an associate professor of sociomedical sciences at Columbia
University who shared the findings with TIME.
Until last year, it was illegal to require anyone in a New York City high rise
to evacuate in a drill. That is absurd, of course. Under regulations being
debated, building managers will probably have to run full or partial evacuation
drills every two years so most people in those buildings will have entered their
stairwells at least once. Some people may even descend to the bottom, and they
will never forget how long it takes. The disabled will figure out how much
assistance they need. The obese will see that they slow down the whole
evacuation as they struggle for breath.
Manuel Chea, then a systems administrator on the 49th floor of Tower 1, did
everything right on 9/11. As soon as the building stopped swaying, he jumped up
from his cubicle and ran to the closest stairwell. It was an automatic reaction.
As he left, he noticed that some of his colleagues were collecting things to
take with them. "I was probably the fastest one to leave," he says. An hour
later, he was outside.
When I asked him why he had moved so swiftly, he had several theories. The
previous year, his house in Queens, N.Y., had burned to the ground. He had
escaped, blinded by smoke. Oh, yes, he had also been in a serious earthquake as
a child in Peru and in several smaller ones in Los Angeles years later. He was,
you could say, a disaster expert. And there's nothing like a string of bad luck
to prepare you for the unthinkable.
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